A New Turn in Israel's Old Fight by A.M. Rosenthal Daily News - Opinion March 23, 2001 The basic question about the Arabs and Israelis today is exactly the same one that was overriding when Israel was created a half-century ago: Will the Arab leaders and their people allow permanent peace? Their answer, then and now, was the same: No, not ever. The only change in all these years since 1948 has been Arab strategy to achieve the death of Israel. For most of the passing decades, it was carried out by wars — as many wars as it would take. Israel was seen abroad at first as heroic in defense of its new existence. When Israel triumphed again and again, almost all the nations of the world were terribly annoyed, and still are. They were used to seeing Jews lose whatever they had to lose, particularly their lives, not fighting wars for freedom and winning it. The members of the United Nations kept pressuring a winning Israel to give in to Arab demands for land, money, arms, statehood — while terrorist bombs were exploding in Israeli cities, Arab bullets were penetrating Israeli flesh and Arab broadcasts were spewing hatred about Israelis making matzos with the blood of Arab children. Most of the time, Israeli prime ministers did as they were pressured to do. I thought of these things while I waited in a jammed ballroom and then at a private home for the appearance of Ariel Sharon, prime minister of Israel, Wednesday night as he was ending his visit with President Bush. He is a conservative leading that delicate mechanism, a left-right coalition. In younger years, he was a daring general. He was elected by the Israelis to preserve their nationhood by ending the era of Israeli giving away political and military assets while ducking terrorist attacks — not just rocks, but bullets and bombs — and with foreign as well as Palestinian Arab terrorists in Yasser Arafat's own security guard. I've known Sharon for years, trust him and like him. He says Israel will no longer negotiate under the threat and reality of violence. He sees that position as a matter not simply of honor, but of the continued existence of Israel. There is not a lot of giving room for Israel anymore without cutting too deep and endangering physical and emotional survival. Arab strategy changed, brilliantly, when they lost war after war to the Israelis. The goal remained the same, the end of Israel, but it was to be achieved through a mixture of continuous armed attack from within Israel and its Arab neighbors, and periodic negotiations for what the world believed — and the Israelis prayed — would be peace. But never was this strategy intended to achieve anything but a temporary armistice until the next war. They carried out negotiations and war by terrorism at the same time — which few nations or movements have been able to do. But the leaders always let their people know that whatever they were saying to foreigners, the goal — Israel's elimination — and the use of religious and nationalist hatred against it remained unchanged and unending. Most of the world came to believe that the Arab mixture of attack-and-negotiate could bring peace. Many Israelis believed it, too. They were weakened by war weariness and by something no Arab nation was troubled with — a sense of guilt at the pain of the enemy, but even more, the memory of thousands of years of Jewish suffering. Countries that denounce Israel for opposing the current rebellion would have wiped it out in a weekend, as Syria did to its rebels. When the Labor government of Ehud Barak offered Arafat control of parts of Jerusalem and he answered by ordering the new intifadeh, the Israeli public had had it and elected Sharon, whom both vilified. The meeting between Sharon and Bush went well. They liked each other, not always the case between Israeli prime ministers and American Presidents. These first meetings are not meant to solve everything, and this one didn't. The Israelis are more worried than the administration seems to be about Iraq and Iran. Bush went out of his way to say that despite the close relations between Israel and America, he would not attempt to be the manager of talks with the Arabs and Israelis, which is a complete shift from the Clintonian policy. That should be a blessing to all.