Now that the 'partner' is gone by Limor Livnat December 24, 2001 (December 24) - Exactly 20 years ago, the State of Israel, in order to protect its citizens, was forced to drive the PLO from Lebanon. Until Operation Peace for Galilee, Yasser Arafat succeeded in doing in Lebanon what he had failed to do in Jordan: He took parasitic control of a country bordering on Israel by building a military infrastructure and an international terror network, with the intention of waging total war against us. Israel rescued its neighbors from Arafat twice: Jordan in 1970 and Lebanon in 1982. Today, Israel must rescue itself from that very same person, who, like Frankenstein's monster, must destroy any country that provides him with sanctuary. The government of Israel has attained an impressive diplomatic achievement, in that both the United States and the European Union support its claim that the Palestinians must eliminate terror immediately and unconditionally. However, there are those among us, and among our friends, for whom it is difficult to recognize the fact that it is not possible to eliminate the Palestinian terror apparatus without removing the one who built it and continues to head it. Ever since Arafat's supposed recognition of Israel and of United Nations Security Council Resolution 242 in 1988, he has adopted a brilliant strategy which has succeeded, until recently. He convinced Western and Israeli public opinion that he is prepared to compromise and to make a "peace of the brave" with Israel. But at the same time, he built a military infrastructure in Judea, Samaria, and the Gaza Strip, with the support of Arab countries and terrorist organizations that operate within those areas. Today, it is abundantly clear to almost everyone that a murderer remains a murderer. Even the perverted lip service of the head of the Palestinian Authority has succeeded in arousing ridicule and rejection. The time has therefore come to put an end to the nauseating talk regarding Arafat the person: whether he is a partner, or not; whether he is relevant, or not. The time has come for action on our part. And I do not mean the bankrupt idea of unilateral separation. That idea will not increase security in the slightest. It is but the result of hasty and irresponsible thinking by the same people who supported the Oslo process from its beginning, and throughout its course. There are three actions that should be taken immediately: * All the terrorist organizations must be disarmed. People who do not know how to behave with weapons should not be in possession of weapons. That is how the British acted in Northern Ireland. Disarming terrorist organizations was an incontrovertible condition for the very conduct of peace talks with the political factions. The West's peacekeeping forces acted similarly in Kosovo. Whoever did not surrender his weapons was disarmed by force. * The artificial distinction between the terrorist organizations' political factions and military factions must be repudiated. What is good for the Americans in Afghanistan, which is far from American shores, is good also for us regarding the Palestinian Authority, in our own backyard. The Americans do not differentiate between the Taliban leaders and those of their army; and they do not differentiate between Osama bin Laden and the "religious" official, Mullah Omar. Therefore, we must relate to Sheikh Ahmed Yassin exactly as we do to Izzadin Kassam. We, just as the Americans are doing, must bring down the totalitarian regime and not only the terrorist infrastructure. * We must cease our traditional, reactive stance and take a diplomatic-public relations initiative. There is an alternative to Arafat and his coterie - leaders who are more interested in the welfare of their people and less in mythology. At the end of the 1980s, minister of defense Yitzhak Rabin and foreign minister Moshe Arens began to establish contacts with a pragmatic local leadership. At that time, the PLO murdered some of the local Arab leaders who were willing to compromise with Israel. In 1988, the PLO received legitimacy from the US administration. However, immediately following the Gulf War, the PLO lost this legitimacy and was on the brink of collapse. That was a golden opportunity to strengthen the local Arab leadership at the expense of the PLO. But the architects of Oslo believed that a weakened PLO was an ideal partner for negotiations. The rest is history. Ten years later, the same opportunity is repeating itself and Israel must not again play into Arafat's hands. We must build relations of trust with leaders who are from the "inside," those who are prepared to climb down from the tall tree of the PLO's mythology and finally care about the interests of their people. All of this is achievable only if we stop expressing any agreement for a Palestinian state in wide swaths of Judea, Samaria, and Gaza. There must not be a state such as this, and therefore, there must not be any talk encouraging it. Local leaders with local autonomy, yes. But a state? No! (The writer is minister of education.)