Stop harping on the past By Gerald M. Steinberg (December 24) - The goal of the Middle East peace process is to bring a comprehensive end to the Arab-Israeli conflict. This means not only a series of peace treaties between Israel and each of her neighbors (including the Palestinians), but, more importantly, an end to the historical claims that have fueled decades of war and terrorism. The possibility of reaching agreements with Syria, Lebanon, and the Palestinians appears to be increasing. Israel is steadily returning to the narrow borders that resulted from the 1948 war, in the expectation that the network of treaties and mutual acceptance will replace territory and military force as the basis for security. What are the chances of long-term stability, based on broad acceptance of Israel's legitimacy as a Jewish state? Is "land for peace" merely a slogan behind which the conflict will resume once Israel is back to its pre-1967 boundaries? Much will depend on the terms of the agreements and the perceptions in the Arab and Islamic world. The evidence is not encouraging. The Palestinians demand that Israel accept "historic responsibility" for the plight of the refugees. Syria blames Israeli policies for the escalating violence that led to the capture of the Golan Heights in 1967. Egyptians argue that the agreements and treaties with Israel are being imposed on a "divided and weak" Arab world. On all fronts, it appears that preparations are being made for resuming the conflict after Israel has given up all of its assets. The Palestinian effort to get Israel to accept responsibility for the 1948 war and the refugees is particularly dangerous. In the name of "justice," Palestinians (supported by a few Israeli academics) have linked the acceptance of pragmatic formulae for refugee resettlement and compensation to an Israeli admission of guilt. Under this recipe, the real causes - the Arab rejection of the 1947 Partition Resolution and the subsequent invasion - would disappear without a trace. As the permanent-status talks progress, Israel will be pressed, as the stronger party, to make a "gesture" on the refugee issue. We must resist accepting that responsibility as the last step in the negotiations. Doing so would justify retroactively decades of Arab wars and terrorism, and the Israeli defensive responses would suddenly become illegitimate. And it would be cited throughout the Arab world as the basis for continuing the war and violence against the Jewish state. Syria is following a similar path, rewriting history and blaming Israel exclusively for the legacy of wars, terrorism, and "occupied territory." Syrian officials and the media repeatedly emphasize the demand that Israel return land captured by the Syrian army in 1948 and occupied until 1967. Beyond the political benefits for Assad, this would justify the Arab invasion and the terrorism that continued long after. The violence that took so many lives would be sanctified as legitimate responses to the "illegal" creation of Israel. In his opening statement in Washington marking the resumption of negotiations, Syrian Foreign Minister Shara repeated these myths, and Prime Minister Barak decided not to respond. Under the circumstances, Barak's silence was appropriate, but Israel must block further efforts to rewrite history and incorporate it into agreements. The dangers of allowing the myths on the origins of the Arab-Israeli conflict to go unchallenged are highlighted in the case of Egypt. After two decades of formal peace, the ideological war against Israel continues and has even intensified. Most Egyptian academics, artists, journalists, and politicians boycott Israel. The excuses vary from "occupation of Arab territories" to our nuclear option. Israel is still routinely described as "expansionist," while the territorial withdrawal continues. The real reasons were stated clearly by Egyptian intellectual Mohamed Sid Ahmed. He wrote that any formal agreements signed with Israel while the Arab world is "weak and divided" will not "eliminate all historical memory throughout the region." This is a warning that the treaties lack legitimacy and will be renounced when the balance of power changes. The Arab myths will remain, and the conflict will continue. To address these central issues, the focus of the peace process must be altered. The emphasis must shift from justice and historical responsibility to mutual acceptance, based on broad and unambiguous acknowledgement of Israel's legitimacy as a Jewish state. Without this critical step, what looks like "land for peace" will become the prelude to more hatred and violence.