Where do we go from here? by Natan Sharansky May 3, 2002 Jerusalem Post Today, as the Israel Defense Forces are engaged in destroying the terrorist infrastructure, we must ask ourselves, "Where do we go from here?" Is there any other option besides reestablishing full Israeli control over Judea and Samaria, or resigning ourselves to the fact that Yasser Arafat is the only address that we have? I believe there is, and it is based on the premise that only democracy and economic prosperity for the Palestinian people can bring security for Israel. In order to ensure our own security, the Palestinians must be encouraged to form an open and free society that is not burdened by the fear, hatred, and terror that have been sown in recent years by Arafat and his leadership - a society that affords real economic opportunity for all its inhabitants. Only such a society can serve as a solid guarantee for normal relations between the two peoples, and as a promising starting point for negotiations, ultimately leading towards a permanent peace settlement. This cannot happen overnight; for this we need a Transition Period. Last week, I presented the following seven-point plan of action to Prime Minister Ariel Sharon, defining the principles for a three-year Transition Period, leading the Palestinians away from terror and towards peace: 1. Establishment of an international coordinating body A coordinating body, headed by the United States, with those Arab states which recognize the State of Israel as its members will be responsible for establishing a Palestinian Administrative Authority (PAA) in the areas under Palestinian control. Israel will not be involved in this process, and will only maintain the right to veto candidates to the PAA in the event that such candidates had been connected to terrorist activities against Israel. 2. Day-to-day administration The PAA will be responsible for administering the day-to-day lives of the Palestinians, in matters such as the economy, law enforcement, education, etc. 3. Security During the Transition Period, Israel will continue to be responsible for security, as well as for the freedom of passage, in all of Judea and Samaria. Israel will have the right to set up transition zones and buffer zones, as well as using any other appropriate method, to prevent the resurgence of terror activities. 4. Development of democratic life During the transition period, the coordinating body and the PAA must develop the infrastructure for democratic life among the Palestinians. This must include the formulation of new educational programs, inculcating values of peace rather than of terror; securing freedom of political, social and religious association; and guaranteeing full freedom of speech and press. These three principles must be a prerequisite for all economic and other international assistance to the PAA. 5. Dismantling of refugee camps The coordinating body will act immediately to dismantle all Palestinian refugee camps, and normal existence will be offered for those evacuated from the camps. Arab countries, with the assistance of the United Nations, will finance this effort. 6. International economic fund An international fund will be established for the creation and financing of industrial zones, infrastructure projects, R&D companies, etc. in the areas under the PAA. 7. Negotiations for permanent peace After the three-year transition period, free and open elections will be held in the areas administered by the PAA. Israel will then negotiate the terms of a permanent peace with the elected representatives of the Palestinian people. Why do I see this plan as viable? The Oslo Accords were based on two fatally erroneous assumptions. The first was that if control of territories in Judea, Samaria and Gaza, along with their inhabitants, were transferred to Yasser Arafat, he would then act as Israel's partner in the effort to maintain security and peace in the region. The second, held by many Oslo supporters, was that the existence of a dictatorial regime in these territories was more of an advantage than a disadvantage. They assumed that Arafat, uninhibited by the constraints imposed by democratic rule, would find it far easier to contend with Hamas terrorists, while simultaneously concentrating on economic prosperity for his people. The past decade has proven these assumptions to be naive and unrealistic, as they ignore the fundamental difference between the interests of democratic leaders and those of dictators. In a democracy, the leader is dependent on the will of the people. In a dictatorship, the people are dependent on the will of the leader. In a democracy, therefore, a leader always strives to bring about economic prosperity and peace for his constituents, opting for war only as a last resort. In contrast, a dictator, who lives in constant fear of a popular uprising, must always look for methods of maintaining full control over his people. Such control must be perpetually strengthened by seeking out an external enemy, and mobilizing the people to war, or even better, holy war, against it. It is for this reason that, while Israel and other countries in the free world sought to strengthen Arafat (believing that "a strong leader will bring about a strong peace"), Arafat exploited this to the hilt by investing every shekel and dollar of Israeli and international aid to encourage the inflammatory hatred of Israel and to construct a terrorist infrastructure. Given a choice between peace and economic prosperity, or tyranny and terror - Arafat always chose the latter. The time has come for a new leadership, which, unlike Arafat, is interested in improving the lives of the Palestinian people in ways that include building peaceful relations with Israel. The time has come for a leadership that is dependent on the will of its people. Of course, it is impossible to ignore the fact that, after a decade of demonization of Israel and incitement to terror, it will be very difficult to find Palestinian leaders who dare to work openly for genuine peace. In order to enable such leaders to emerge and to operate free of fear, a period of transition is absolutely necessary. During this period, the foundations of democratic life can be laid in Palestinian society so that the effects of the hateful propaganda and terrorist activities against Israel can be neutralized. At this stage, a widespread international effort should be made to establish the foundations of a modern economy, infrastructure, and welfare services in Palestinian society. Just as Germany and Japan had to undergo a process of political and economic rehabilitation in order to rejoin the international community following World War II, Palestinian society will need to undergo a similar transition. A people consumed with hate cannot be persuaded to coexist with another people in harmony; a people with no hope of feeding their families will not adopt democratic procedures. The Arafat leadership is corrupt, despotic and dedicated to Israel's destruction. It is not and cannot be our partner. We owe it to ourselves and to our future to help the Palestinians help themselves. All of us will reap the rewards. ---------- Natan Sharansky is the Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Construction and Housing.