Wisdom from the chicken coop By Sarah Honig (January 18) Members of the partridge, quail and pheasant family, chickens evolved from an Asian jungle fowl, whom man began domesticating as many as 5,000 years ago. Hundreds of varieties have been developed within more than 50 standard breeds, grouped into 12 main classes. Some poultrymen specialize in raising pullets for commercial egg farmers. Others grow the birds for their meat, and it's their age rather than size which determines how they're cooked. Four to six-month-olds are defined as roasters. Old, tough hens are sold for stewing. At nine to 12 weeks they're marketed as fryers or broilers. Some weigh nearly two kilos at that tender age and some farms can produce as many as five broiler "crops" a year. Why are we going into all this? Because Bill Clinton - president until Saturday - hails from a state whose greatest claim to fame is the fact that it's America's top broiler raiser. It's also a leading egg producer. Therefore, it only stands to reason that as an Arkansas native son and former governor, Clinton ought to know his chickens. This should enable him to fully fathom, if not actually appreciate Ariel Sharon's homespun story about the chickens he observed in his childhood on his family's farm in Kfar Malal. Young Arik noted that the hens clucked harmoniously most of the time. But if one of them took ill, the fellow members of its flock suddenly and ferociously turned on it, pecking, scratching and clawing their victim to death. It was then that the future general concluded that weakness encourages aggression. Those who can't defend themselves are terminated viciously. Those who don't deter invite their own destruction. That's how it is in nature, in the barnyard and in the Middle East. It's improbable that Clinton hadn't been exposed to similar chicken sense back in Arkansas. He knows how things are and yet had no compunction about turning Israel into the enfeebled chicken of this savage region. He insisted Israel take risks for peace - i.e. become weak - to earn him the Nobel Peace Prize. But if Israel is rendered more vulnerable, will he indeed go down in history as a peacemaker? More than he's likely to redeem his legacy, he's likely to be ultimately remembered as the relentless meddler whose obsession ignited bloody war. Even literally on the eve of his departure from office, he won't call it quits. Word now is that Clinton may soon visit us or otherwise influence our domestic democratic process. He pulled out all stops to insure Ehud Barak's 1999 campaign victory and now unabashedly seeks to do the same again, by urging Israelis to opt for peace - after he endorsed his protege as the promoter of Pax Clintonia. We have become his vehicle to an honorable mention in the history books and the consequences (to us) be damned. Clinton's maddening tenacity was portrayed as evidence of devoted friendship and Barak cautioned us that we'd be doomed if we spurn the hand of said friendship. There are, however, plenty of Israeli precedents for resisting American pressure. Ben-Gurion declared independence despite a US arms embargo on an empty-handed nation facing massive life-threatening invasions. Had he caved in to administration dictates, this county would've ended up a UN protectorate and the Bernadotte plan to turn Jerusalem and the Negev over to the Arabs would've been in force. There would've been no Jewish state here, probably no Jews either. Despite his immodest pretensions to emulate B-G, Barak has agreed to give up half of Jerusalem and the first slice of the Negev, at Halutza. Even a cursory review of our recent history ought to show Barak that the more we disobeyed Washington the more we were thought of there as a strategic ally. The Six-Day War, the bombing of the Iraqi nuclear reactor and other defiant escapades enhanced our image as a vital security asset. The US signed strategic agreements with Israel during the Lebanon War (1983) and during the first intifada (1988). Criticism didn't reduce respect for our strength. Spineless irresolution and loss of deterrence encourage terror, escalate extortionist demands and fast turn Israel into a liability. Barak doesn't want to diminish Israel's stature, but he and Clinton have developed a symbiotic dependency to serve their mutual interests and the consequences (to us) be damned. Barak exploited Clinton's patronage to boost his political prospects by claiming a special relationship with the leader of the free world and to convince us that pleasing Clinton is worth the steepest of prices - especially when Barak and Clinton both staged their desperate last stands. Clinton's time to repair his reputation has apparently run out. Barak is racing against time to stave off defeat and needs anything he can pass off as an achievement. To facilitate even a questionable joint declaration he dropped all reservations to Clinton's conditions. Frenzied suggestions - to be recycled as Clintonian pressure - have emanated from Barak himself, like dividing Jerusalem and adding the Security Council as yet another ingredient to the explosive mess he concocted. Though Barak and Clinton have maneuvered us precariously nearer the precipice of war than ever, the duo still dares frighten local voters that Sharon will spark conflict. If for nothing but that, no Israeli should feel the slightest twinge of nostalgia for Clinton. We should all delight in bidding shalom to this non-haver. It shouldn't be a shalom implying "see you" but one which denotes good-bye, good riddance, don't come around any time soon, don't pester, don't kibbitz, don't offer opinions, don't stick your nose into our affairs, butt out - and, most of all - leave us alone to undo the damage you wrought under the guise of friendship. With certain seeming friends, we need no enemies. That's what the broiler raisers of Arkansas - as expert as Sharon in the existential struggles of the chicken coop - stress in many of their folksy snippets of rustic wisdom. The most apt one advises us to "avoid a friend who covers you with his wings, only to destroy you with his beak."